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The 2007+ financial crisis, which also had an impact on real economy, paradoxically resulted in an increase of states' activity in economy and in the growth of expectations of citizens towards states. The crisis makes them see the state as the only institution able to guarantee financial and social safety as well as orderly development of global economy in future. The article tries to answer the following question: is the state able to secure that feeling of safety and society's ability to develop, and will the incoming crises influence the modification of horizontal and vertical extent of functions of the modern state? The question whether modern states modernize or not, disregarding economic, social, cultural and military crises, is also a subject of preliminary analysis. The 2007+ economic crisis caused an increase in state activities in fields both related to economic problems and providing social and financial safety for citizens. The modernization of state institutions (the state considered as ontological being, i.e. is not identified with any present day state) is not related to crises. The internal institutions of state, as parliaments and executive are also modernized to a certain extent. The analyses of Scandinavian, US and Canadian parliaments included in the article prove that the parliaments use the legislative possibilities and increase the scope of control activities performed during crisis. Occasionally this leads to constitution infringement (US Congress). On other occasions special parliamentary commissions and direct democracy institutions are used (Iceland). During a crisis a phenomenon of "financial world imperialism" emerges. It is something more than financialization of real economy (industrial, services and agriculture). It is a trend leading to the subordination of all the other spheres of activity of states and societies, including politics, law and culture. It is observed in contemporary highly developed societies as well as in some countries of "peripheral capitalism". This trend is visible when democracy is used, including parliamentary procedures and decision-making processes in executive, to advance special interests of the financial world, its continuity and its profits.

The author begins with a brief description of the essential political institutions of Iceland, as a republic with a parliamentary cabinet form of government and the special role of the president, arguing with the point of views that Iceland should be seen as a state with a semi-presidential form of government. Describing the political situation before the banking crisis, the author underlines the strong position of the Independence Party, which according to the results of the parliamentary elections (elections in 2007), plays a leading role in the "political life" of the state. The author pays attention to the process of oligarchisation in that party and the informal systems of social-network-based links and pathological links between the worlds of politics and business. Growing since the 90s, the dominance of a few family clans, together with the deregulation and privatization of the economy, led to nepotism and lack of accountability on the part of politicians and business representatives. An expansion of the three largest Icelandic banks Landsbanki, Kaupthing and Glitnir, without any significant criticism and state control, has led to a situation where at the end of 2008 their assets were 10-fold greater than the GDP of Iceland. Loss of confidence in the interbank markets after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the U.S., caused inhibition of liquidity and consequently the collapse of these banks, eventually acquired by the state. The most spectacular was the collapse of Icesave - the Internet branch of Landsbanki operating in the UK and the Netherlands. The disintegration of the banking system led to a disintegration of the coalition government. Early elections in April 2009, won by the Social Democratic Alliance and the Left-Green Movement, led to the formation of a center-left government of Prime Minister, Ms J. Sigur?ardóttir. The first major action was the government's reorientation of foreign policy and submitting an application for EU membership, and the subsequent arrangement of the debts after the collapse of these banks, reform of the central bank and banking supervisors, the establishment of a parliamentary committee to investigate the banking crisis and identify those responsible, the appointment of a special Prosecutor investigating violations of law during privatization of the banking sector and the actions taken on the eve of the crisis. The article contains the constitutional and legal analysis of the first and second so-called referendum. on Icesave, conducted after the President vetoed a further act concerning Iceland's agreements with its creditors - the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. As a result, residents of Iceland have not agreed to repay debts incurred without any fault on their part and through arrogance, incompetence and greed of the financial elite and the political managers controlling the banking system. This puts into question the country's future membership in the EU. The government, despite the opposition to the proposal made by a vote of no confidence, which fell, still take the difficult decisions associated with the revitalization of the banking system and economy of Iceland and improve its international image.

Following the downfall of communist rule in 1989, most countries in Central and Eastern Europe promptly adopted new constitutions. In Poland, however, the constitutional debate consumed eight years. The paper aims at exploring the still relevant question whether the constitutional process should proceed more vigorously so that legal foundations of the newly restored democratic state could be laid right after the systemic change. It is argued that protracting disputes eventually allowed for adopting a constitution based on a broad consensus, thus contributed to a long-term political stability of the country.

The purpose of this article is to analyse the legal regulations concerning the governing bodies of the parliaments in Norway and Denmark, as well as selected elements of the system practice related to their functioning in the last several years. A comparative study of the aforementioned institutions in both parliaments makes it possible to identify similar elements, as well as to point out existing differences, especially in the system practice. One common feature is the axiology underpinning the activities of the governing bodies and the resulting high political culture characterising the deputies in charge in the Storting and the Folketing. The analyses made are based on the assumptions and categories of neo-institutional methodology in political science. The main thesis of the article is that the high efficiency and professionalism of both parliaments, as determined by objective indicators, is the result of a consensual and pragmatic attitude of those elected to leadership positions and proposed by the party groups. This attitude is fostered by the widespread occurrence of minority parliamentarism in political practice in both states.

The aim of the article is to analyse the assumptions and results of the reform of the basic territorial division of the state carried out in Norway in 2016–2020, creating a new structure of municipal and regional self-government with a simultaneous change in some of the tasks carried out at both levels. The analysis is based on the assumptions and categories of neo-institutional methodology. The main thesis of the article is contained in the statement that the process of structural consolidation of local government units is theoretically and practically inevitable, because it is carried out in order to optimise the implementation of public services and increase the welfare of local communities. Its pragmatic and efficient execution with the participation of local communities is necessary to follow the contemporary stage of socio-economic and political development.

The authors analyze the essence of the problem of financialization of economy in the national and global perspectives, at the same time pointing out that this process also refers to the sphere of politics. The example of the 2007+ financial and banking crisis indicates the negative features of this process in reference to economy but also to the financial security of the states and their citizens. In the sphere of politics financialization in the external aspect is reflected in transferring public funds to private economic entities, mainly financial corporations, by virtue of political decisions. In the internal aspects financialization means an increasing role of financial instruments and resources in establishing public authorities, including parliaments and presidential offices. This tendency is considered by the authors to be an immanent feature of contemporary capitalism and a threat to democracy.

The authors have undertaken an analysis of the phenomenon of debt of local government units in Poland. It is a dynamic phenomenon, which affects vast majority of municipalities and districts. A barrier to debt expansion has been established in the form of the Individual Debt Index (IOI), which has been in place since 2014 and its new elements entered into force on 1 January 2020. The structure of the index is intended to allow regional accounting chambers (RIO) to control the process and prevent its progression. The authors indicate, however, that the main problem for local self-government units is insufficient own income, which forces them to increase the pool of funds transferred from the central budget to self-governments in the form of grants and subventions and to look for various forms of loans for their activities. Using the experience of the Scandinavian countries, the authors propose to start territorial and resource consolidation reforms of small local government units – municipalities and districts. The aim is to facilitate better use of endogenous resources of territorial self-government units and use of economies of scale related to local economy and social resources. This should result, as in Scandinavia, in the development of public entrepreneurship, higher social efficiency and effectiveness, and stabilisation of the income of individual units. After more than 20 years of operation, small local government units in Poland have become structurally and functionally obsolete and do not guarantee modern development of local communities.

The authors have undertaken an analysis of the phenomenon of debt of local government units in Poland. It is a dynamic phenomenon, which affects vast majority of municipalities and districts. A barrier to debt expansion has been established in the form of the Individual Debt Index (IOI), which has been in place since 2014 and its new elements entered into force on 1 January 2020. The structure of the index is intended to allow regional accounting chambers (RIO) to control the process and prevent its progression. The authors indicate, however, that the main problem for local self-government units is insufficient own income, which forces them to increase the pool of funds transferred from the central budget to self-governments in the form of grants and subventions and to look for various forms of loans for their activities. Using the experience of the Scandinavian countries, the authors propose to start territorial and resource consolidation reforms of small local government units – municipalities and districts. The aim is to facilitate better use of endogenous resources of territorial self-government units and use of economies of scale related to local economy and social resources. This should result, as in Scandinavia, in the development of public entrepreneurship, higher social efficiency and effectiveness, and stabilisation of the income of individual units. After more than 20 years of operation, small local government units in Poland have become structurally and functionally obsolete and do not guarantee modern development of local communities. ; Autorzy podjęli się analizy zjawiska zadłużenia jednostek samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce. Jest to zjawisko dynamiczne, które dotyczy zdecydowanej większości gmin i powiatów. Barierę dla ekspansji zadłużenia stanowi istniejący od 2014 roku Indeks Długu Indywidualnego (IOI), którego nowe elementy weszły w życie 1 stycznia 2020 roku. Struktura indeksu ma na celu umożliwienie regionalnym izbom rachunkowym (RIO) kontrolowania tego procesu i zapobiegania jego postępowi. Autorzy wskazują jednak, że głównym problemem dla jednostek samorządu terytorialnego są niewystarczające dochody własne, co zmusza je do zwiększenia puli środków przekazywanych z budżetu centralnego do samorządów w formie dotacji i subwencji oraz do poszukiwania różnych form pożyczek na swoją działalność. Korzystając z doświadczeń krajów skandynawskich, autorzy proponują rozpoczęcie reform terytorialnych i konsolidacyjnych zasobów małych jednostek samorządu terytorialnego – gmin i powiatów. Celem jest ułatwienie lepszego wykorzystania endogenicznych zasobów JST oraz wykorzystanie korzyści skali związanych z lokalną gospodarką i zasobami społecznymi. Powinno to zaowocować, podobnie jak w Skandynawii, rozwojem przedsiębiorczości publicznej, większą efektywnością i skutecznością społeczną oraz stabilizacją dochodów poszczególnych jednostek. Po ponad 20 latach działalności małe jednostki samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce stały się strukturalnie i funkcjonalnie przestarzałe i nie gwarantują nowoczesnego rozwoju społeczności lokalnych.

The authors have undertaken an analysis of the phenomenon of debt of local government units in Poland. It is a dynamic phenomenon, which affects vast majority of municipalities and districts. A barrier to debt expansion has been established in the form of the Individual Debt Index (IOI), which has been in place since 2014 and its new elements entered into force on 1 January 2020. The structure of the index is intended to allow regional accounting chambers (RIO) to control the process and prevent its progression. The authors indicate, however, that the main problem for local self-government units is insufficient own income, which forces them to increase the pool of funds transferred from the central budget to self-governments in the form of grants and subventions and to look for various forms of loans for their activities. Using the experience of the Scandinavian countries, the authors propose to start territorial and resource consolidation reforms of small local government units – municipalities and districts. The aim is to facilitate better use of endogenous resources of territorial self-government units and use of economies of scale related to local economy and social resources. This should result, as in Scandinavia, in the development of public entrepreneurship, higher social efficiency and effectiveness, and stabilisation of the income of individual units. After more than 20 years of operation, small local government units in Poland have become structurally and functionally obsolete and do not guarantee modern development of local communities. ; Autorzy podjęli się analizy zjawiska zadłużenia jednostek samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce. Jest to zjawisko dynamiczne, które dotyczy zdecydowanej większości gmin i powiatów. Barierę dla ekspansji zadłużenia stanowi istniejący od 2014 roku Indeks Długu Indywidualnego (IOI), którego nowe elementy weszły w życie 1 stycznia 2020 roku. Struktura indeksu ma na celu umożliwienie regionalnym izbom rachunkowym (RIO) kontrolowania tego procesu i zapobiegania jego postępowi. Autorzy wskazują jednak, że głównym problemem dla jednostek samorządu terytorialnego są niewystarczające dochody własne, co zmusza je do zwiększenia puli środków przekazywanych z budżetu centralnego do samorządów w formie dotacji i subwencji oraz do poszukiwania różnych form pożyczek na swoją działalność. Korzystając z doświadczeń krajów skandynawskich, autorzy proponują rozpoczęcie reform terytorialnych i konsolidacyjnych zasobów małych jednostek samorządu terytorialnego – gmin i powiatów. Celem jest ułatwienie lepszego wykorzystania endogenicznych zasobów JST oraz wykorzystanie korzyści skali związanych z lokalną gospodarką i zasobami społecznymi. Powinno to zaowocować, podobnie jak w Skandynawii, rozwojem przedsiębiorczości publicznej, większą efektywnością i skutecznością społeczną oraz stabilizacją dochodów poszczególnych jednostek. Po ponad 20 latach działalności małe jednostki samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce stały się strukturalnie i funkcjonalnie przestarzałe i nie gwarantują nowoczesnego rozwoju społeczności lokalnych.

The primary objective of this paper is to present preparations to the European Parliament elections and their course in Poland on all three occasions (in 2004, 2009 and 2014). Election results and political platforms are included in the text as are analyses of the influence of the elections on the changes within Poland's party system and of electoral laws regarding European Parliament elections.

The paper addresses the issue of the election to the European Parliament in Poland. The authors discuss the electoral regulations and the institutional background to the election.They put the 2014 election against the historic background of the 2004 and 2009 elections to the European Parliament. The authors emphasise that the most important challenge in terms of the elections is the low turnout. The major reasons for the state of affairs are the low quality of the knowledge of the European institutions and the social discontent of the Polish citizens with the economic and political situation both in Europe and Poland.

The paper addresses the issue of the election to the European Parliament in Poland. The authors discuss the electoral regulations and the institutional background to the election.They put the 2014 election against the historic background of the 2004 and 2009 elections to the European Parliament. The authors emphasise that the most important challenge in terms of the elections is the low turnout. The major reasons for the state of affairs are the low quality of the knowledge of the European institutions and the social discontent of the Polish citizens with the economic and political situation both in Europe and Poland. ; Artykuł porusza kwestię wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego w Polsce. Autorzy omawiają przepisy wyborcze i kontekst instytucjonalny do wyborów. Wybrali oni wybory w 2014 r. Na tle historycznych wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 i 2009 roku. Autorzy podkreślają, że najważniejszym wyzwaniem związanym z wyborami jest niska frekwencja. Głównymi przyczynami stanu rzeczy jest niska jakość wiedzy o instytucjach europejskich oraz niezadowolenie społeczne obywateli Polski z sytuacji ekonomicznej i politycznej zarówno w Europie, jak i w Polsce.

The paper addresses the issue of the election to the European Parliament in Poland. The authors discuss the electoral regulations and the institutional background to the election.They put the 2014 election against the historic background of the 2004 and 2009 elections to the European Parliament. The authors emphasise that the most important challenge in terms of the elections is the low turnout. The major reasons for the state of affairs are the low quality of the knowledge of the European institutions and the social discontent of the Polish citizens with the economic and political situation both in Europe and Poland.